Women’s empowerment and their full participation on the basis of equality in all spheres of society, including participation in the decision-making process and access to power,
are fundamental for the achievement of equality, development and peace. Women in urban local government are playing important role in various sectors specifically in women related issues.
are fundamental for the achievement of equality, development and peace. Women in urban local government are playing important role in various sectors specifically in women related issues.
Bangladesh has repeatedly experimented with decentralization in the post-colonial and post-independence period. Every successive regime between 1957 and 2009 attempted to reform the local government structure. The induction of local government, however, failed to ensure access and participation to the poor. The absence of tangible rewards for participating in local affairs often resulted in apathy and frustration to the villagers.
Local Government
In some countries, the local extensions of the central government, and in others, traditional local power structures utilized for supporting field administration, have been misconstrued as being equivalent to local government. At times local government has been mistakenly considered an insignificant segment of the government. However, in industrialized countries, the number of civil servants at the local level is much larger than is commonly believed. In the United States, for example, there are four times as many local government employees as federal employees; even in a developing country, like India, the number of local level employees is as high as 40 percent that of federal employees (Siddique, 1994: 2).
Bangladesh's Constitution of 1972 clearly spelt out the legal basis and responsibilities of local government. Article 59, Chapter III of the Constitution states that, 'Local government in every administrative unit of the Republic shall be entrusted to bodies composed of persons elected in accordance with law’. Article 60 of the Constitution states 'for the purpose of giving full effect to the provision of article fifty nine, Parliament shall, by law, confer powers on the local government bodies referred to in that article including power to impose taxes for local purposes, to prepare their budgets and to maintain funds (Constitution of People's Republic of Bangladesh, as modified up to 30th of November, 1998).
Existing Structure of Local Government in Bangladesh:
History of women politics:
Women constitute a half of the total population. Therefore, it is not possible to achieve the desired development leaving the population underutilized, unproductive and passive. It is also not possible to consolidate our nascent democracy without broadening the democratic base through mainstreaming women into the system. Women in this subcontinent have been contributing to national politics since long. In fact the lives of the women in the Indian subcontinent began to change in the late 19th century when the colonial rulers criticized the treatment of both Hindu and Muslim women.
By the end of the 19th century women of the subcontinent were attending schools, colleges and becoming doctors, engineers. Some of the women also joined in anti British movement. Pretilata sen, Ila mitra, Kalpona dutta are worth mentioning among them. In, through the representation of the people act, 1928, the womenfolk of the subcontinent were granted the right to vote on the terms as men, before the women in Europe and America. But this system did not continue after the end of colonial rule. Women were pushed back in the then Pakistan. Women started to come out again in 1960s in anti Ayub movement to protest repression against Bengali. During the liberation war in 1971 women participated actively in the movement. It created a new vista of women engaging in politics
Urban local government:
Urban local government is the part of local government. The rapid growth taking place throughout Bangladesh with the limited availability of agricultural land has resulted in a steady shift of population from rural to urban areas .For providing governmental service to urban areas people urban local bodies was set up. There are two types of urban local government namely city corporation and pourashava.
Puroshava:
An urban area must fulfill three characteristics to become pourashava. Three conditions are given below:
First: three - fourths of the adult male population of the area must be employed mainly in non- agricultural occupations
Second: the area must contain a population of not less than fifteen thousand.
Third: population density should not be less than two thousands inhabitants per square kilometer
There are three types of puroshava in Bangladesh.
On the basis of annual income
Class A: TK more than 6000000 lakh in a year
Class B: TK 2500001- 6000000 lakh in a year
Class C: TK1000000 – 2500000 lakh in a year
Profile of the Satkhira Pouroshova
Name: Satkhira Pouroshova
Class: A
Established: 1869
Geographical location:
North: Labsha union
South: Dhahokhola
East: Brommorajpur union
West: Khanpur
Area: 36.45 square K.M.
Ward: 09
Mohalla: 40
Mouza: 05
Total thana: 01
Map: Satkhira pouroshova
Own property | |
Residential | 07 acre |
Commercial | 08 acre |
Road | 250 acre |
Restricted pouro ponds | 08 acre |
Others | 03 acre |
Population | |
Total | 1,49,501 |
Male | 74,148 |
Female | 75,353 |
Muslim | 83.73% |
Hindu | 15.97 |
Christian | 0.18% |
Buddhist | 0.01% |
Others | 0.11% |
Total holding number | |
Pacca | 7937 |
Government | 285 |
non-government | 4138 |
Semi Pacca | 2645 |
Government | 15 |
non-government | 4109 |
Mud non-government); | 2459 |
Road | |
C.C | 0.50k.m. |
Pitch | 125.00k.m |
H.B.B | 40.50k.m |
Mud; | 60.00 |
Drainage system | |
R.C.C | 06k.m |
Bricks made | 45k.m. |
Pipe drain | 0.05k.m. |
Mud | 205.5k.m |
Water supply | |
Pipe line | 99.80 |
Productive tubewell | 05 |
Treatment plant | 02 |
Over head trank | 02 |
Literacy and educational institution | |
Average literacy | 34.6% |
Male | 43% |
Female | 30.02% |
Government collage | 02 |
Non Government collage | 05 |
Government High school | 02 |
Non Government High school | 08 |
Madrasa | 04 |
Government primary school | 34 |
Blind school | 01 |
Law collage | 01 |
Homeopathy collage | 01 |
P.T.I. | 01 |
vocational training institution | 01 |
Technical school | 01 |
Vehicle driving training school | 01 |
Kindergarten school | 20 |
Government public library | 01 |
Public library | 01 |
Shilpokola academy | 01 |
Shisu academy | 01 |
Social institution | |
Children’s park | 01 |
Park | 02 |
Club | 11 |
Nursery | 37 |
Health institution | |
General hospital | 01 |
Mother and children welfare centre | 01 |
Tuberculosis hospital | 01 |
Veto nary hospital | 01 |
E.P.I centre | 33 |
Clinic | 14 |
Religious institutions | |
Mosque | 66 |
Temple | 07 |
Church | 01 |
Eid gaon(own) | 01 |
Grave yard | 02 |
Burning ground | 04 |
Hat/bazaar | |
kacha bazaar | 03 |
pouro market | 05 |
Others | |
Filing station | 04 |
Bank | 19 |
Life insurance | 10 |
Bus terminal(own) | 01 |
Cinema hall | 03 |
Hotel (residential) | 15 |
Hotel (non-residential); | 101 |
N.G.O | 12 |
Shisu sodon (government | 01 |
Shisu sodon (non-government); | 02 |
Stadium | 01 |
Cannel | 01 |
Street light | 1653 |
Shallow manipulation tubewell | 1449 |
Deep manipulation tubewell | 08 |
Treat highdent | 208 |
Sweeper colony | 01 |
sohid minar | 01 |
Own shop | 125 |
Dustbin | 65 |
Kalvart | 325 |
Retaining wall | 03k.m. |
Public toilet | 10 |
Town hall | 01 |
Pouro gate | 02 |
Memorial monument | 01 |
Members of the Satkhira puroshava:
Md. Ashraful Mayor
Md. Shohidul Islam councilor (ward-1)
Md. Robiul Islam councilor (ward-2)
Md. Masud Anam councilor (ward-3)
Md. Torikul Islam councilor (ward-4)
Kazi Md. Rofik councilor (ward-5)
Md. Abul kasem councilor (ward-6)
Nur Mohammad councilor (ward-7)
Md. Shofikul islam Bokul councilor (ward-8)
Md. Sagoruddolla Sagor councilor (ward-9)
Women ward councilors (Restricted)
ROHIMA ROWSAN councilor (ward-1,2,3)
ANIMA RANI MONDOL councilor (ward- 4,5,6)
MORJINA KHATUN councilor (ward- 7,8,9)
Personal information of women commissioner
1) Name: MRS ROHIMA ROWSAN
Reserved seat: 1, 2, 3
Age: 41
Marital statues: Married
Education: S.S.C.
Occupation: Housewife
Occupation of the husband: Business
Social statues: Well. Non-politician participation
Who enforce for involving in politics: Father
Honorarium: 2000 Taka.
2) Name: MRS ANIMA RANI MONDOL
Reserved seat: 4, 5, 6
Age: 43
Marital statues: Married
Education: HHC, P.T.I.
Occupation: Teacher of a kindergarten school
Occupation of the husband: Dead
Social statues: Well. Non-politician participation
Who enforce for involving in politics: Father
Honorarium: 2000 Taka.
3) Name: MRS MORJINA KHATUN
Reserved seat: 7, 8, 9
Age: 45
Marital statues: Married
Education: B.A.
Occupation: Teacher
Occupation of the husband: Business
Social statues: Well. Non-politician participation
Who enforce for involving in politics: Father and Rjia fayej (politician&relative)
Honorarium: 2000 Taka.
Woman Participation in running committee
a) Pouro tax committee
b) Health department committee
c) Water section committee
d) Judicial sub committee
e) Shop distribution committee
f) Difference sub committee
g) Difference final committee
h) Relief committee
i) Government hospital, school, collage management committee
j) UGIIP
k) Planning and directing committee
Women’s political participation at the local level:
Presence of women in the local government institution does not really reflect the level of political conscious of the women of the women of the country. Women’s involvement in the political process at the local level is needed to make them familiar with the problems of the local community in general and women’s need and issues in particular. The activities of the local level woman politicians, their constant contact and interaction with the women of the local community go a long way in raising the political consciousness of women around them.
But unfortunately, as in the case of local level politics, women’s role in the political process at the local level is also very insignificant.
Union parishad is the lowest rural administrative tier of local self government with the chairman elected members and nominated women members. It has been given an increasingly important role in civic development and judicial functions.
In 1977, the elective positions in a total of 4352 union parishads in Bangladesh stood at 1, 40,158. In union parishad election in 1977, the number of women contestants was 111 only.
Records show that for the total elective positions of 4352 chairman of union parishad, 20898 men and 19 women contested. The election results showed that 4349 men and only 3 women were elected as chairman of union parishad.
Out of the total membership positions of 39168 of union parishad only 7 women could get elected as against 39161 men. So women’s presence in this local self governing body was only .02 percent.
In pourashava, which is a unit of the urban self governing institutions, the situation is not any better. In the pourashava election of 1977 also, history repeated itself. Out of 21 candidates for the position of chairman, only 3 were women. Around 400 candidates contested for the position of 50 ward commissioners of whom only 5 were women and they received only a shall fraction of the total votes casts.
This is an indication of the fact that socially and economically, women have not yet reached such a position from which they can successfully contest the elective positions and secure at least minimum representation against men factors such as low rate of female literacy (16 percent against 30 percent for men according to 1981 census report), economic dependence (female labourforce participation rate is only 4.3 percent according to 1981 census),socio culture embargo on free mobility of women combine to keep their contacts with voters low and links with political personalities of the community week.
Awareness on the part of the government of the unfavorable situation of women and the desirability of women’s involvement in local level politics led to the promulgation of local government ordinance of 1976 which ensured the presence of 8704 women at the union parishad level through nomination.
According to the local government (union parishad) ordinance of 1983, union parishad is now composed of a chairman, nine elected members and three nominated women members. Total number of women involved in this tier through nomination now stands at 13380 in 4460 union parishads. The women members of the union parishad were nominated by the upazila parishad (now abolished).
In other tiers of the local self government, namely upazila parishad, there were 3 nominated women members and in pourashava also the number of nominated women members was three. The government decision to broaden the base of women’s participation has increased substantially the involvement of women in local politics.
But it has been opined that as women constitute about half the nations population, their representation as compared to men is still grossly inadequate.
In order to ensure minimum representation of women in the local bodies, the constitution itself has provided for special representation to disadvantaged groups (which included women) in the self governing institution.
Adequate steps should, therefore, be taken in the light of the constitutional provision to increase substantially the number of women in local self governing institutions through special representation.
Problems in performing responsibility as a women councilor
All ‘Women Ward Commissioners’ insisted that they must be taken seriously by
the government. They had claimed that they came to the power through proper political participation and commitment, yet there are no work responsibilities given to them by the local government Gazette. The Women Ward Commissioners of Satkhira Pouroshova created pressure on the Mayor of Satkhira Pouroshova to provide them with work, they said, “we do not want to be dolls/decoration pieces in the showcase, we want work”. this sort of insistence encouraged the Mayor of Satkhira Pouroshova to give the responsibility of slum development projects of satkhira to them. Presently these projects are being monitored by the Women Ward Commissioners only. Ironically women cannot show their commitment to the public, or to the office, as they are supposed to listen or convince five different ward commissioners for any project to be realized (due to the system mentioned before). According to the system they cannot take any development initiatives and actions without the permission or support from the relevant ward commissioners. The women mentioned that they perceived “public interest” in a different manner than male Ward Commissioners. Male commissioners can provide/recommend trade licenses, registration (birth, marriage, death) certificates etc. but they do not do these promptly. However, constrained as women are by the system, they try hard to work for public as much as possible. One of the Women Ward
Commissioners of Satkhira Pouroshova said, ‘we cannot arrange license/permit etc. for public, but I always use my “connections” with powerful people of the Pouroshova, I invite them to come to my locality while a slum development project goes on, then I ask for ‘this’ and ‘that’. They cannot say no in front of the public’. Strategically, she has achieved permission to construct roads, take care of garbage collection vehicle, build clubs for the people and administer funds/goods to provide ration/’relief’ to the vulnerable people within her electoral area, from the relevant ward commissioner Some women achieve these through individual capacity of negotiation, but a lot of women are not quite successful, as they could not be/did not like to be a good negotiator. Even the best negotiators could not achieve the “equal” status as compared to their male counterparts. According to their domestic schedule, women ward commissioners cannot be the chairperson of any school/madrasha/college committee. Instead they can at best be members, whereas directly elected commissioners are the chairperson of these committees. Also, the fund women ward commissioners receive to do their work is comparatively lower than their male counterparts. In relation to fund allocation women are extremely critical. A women commissioner of Satkhira Pouroshova has mentioned it is not as simple as getting less funds, rather it is a more deeply rooted problem. Even if one can arrange the fund it may not be used properly/timely because of the discriminatory attitude of the male ward commissioner who may/not be the follower of her party. She insisted that this has happened due to the discriminatory policy of the election procedure itself. Within the office, subordinate staff respects their Women Ward Commissioners. All women Ward Commissioners of Satkhira Pouroshova mentioned the centers of the urban development projects, from where they run their official work, consist of 2 health workers, 2 teachers, 1 secretary/office clerk and 1 guard. Usually the office clerk and the guard are males; the other staff members are either male or female. Women ward commissioners do not have any problem with them, however, one of the women commissioner deliberately had taken female office clerks in her wards – to promote women in official work. Women Ward Commissioners have no complaints regarding the behaviors or attitude of the Project Director, or the Mayor, but in the Satkhira Pouroshova Building they do not share a common office. To wait for a meeting, they use the director’s room, which is not convenient for them. The feelings of Women Ward Commissioners of Satkhira Pouroshova had reached a level of complaints. They are asking for their own office space. They find it extremely difficult to listen/see women victims of domestic or public violence in front of their male colleagues. There are individual instances where the Mayor/Chairperson and male colleagues had taken initiatives to reduce gender discriminations in the office environment, yet very little scope persists within the present office and work structure.
All women clearly mentioned that people rely on them more than before and in some cases, they rely more on Women Ward Commissioners than on their male colleagues. Besides, the presence of women has changed the environment of politics/governance in various respects, especially in relation to the poor and females. According to them issues like: familial disputes, dowry issues, domestic violence, mother-child healthcare, women’s and adult education, women’s co-operative , income earning and credit programmes and arranging emergency fund and relief in a period of disaster have received special attention by Women Ward Commissioners. They feel that although they cannot take action directly, they can take these issues to the Satkhira Pouroshova. They find (a) making women politically aware and active and (b) making them understand their own political right and capacity are the most important achievement of their involvement in urban governance. Almost all women see their political career will not be bounded within the ward level; rather they are willing to represent their voices up to the national level, if possible up to the international level. They are planning to contest for the coming election and are interested to join in international conferences. Also a few of them are dreaming to take office responsibilities of foreign affairs. Their work as a political person is not only constrained by the urban local Governments office structure or the system, rather, it is also a socio-political, economic legal and psychological state. Women Ward Commissioners recognize these obstacles and find the significance of their presence is basically initiating a process towards gender equality. They believe that they have helped the 50 per cent of the population that are women being heard for the first time by the Puroshova. Nevertheless most of the women surveyed had overcome these obstacles and few of them had managed to do some works for their local community. Within such initiatives and programmes, women achieved quite a success to run the small credit programmes, women’s skill development and training programmes, education for children and aged people, dealing with the familial and communal ‘Shalish’ (jurisdiction), etc. Most of all they are extremely positive about their role of making women aware of their political and civil rights. All the women commissioners of Satkhira Pouroshova had said the election procedure made them handicapped. Yet
They are extremely sure that their presence in urban local government does have a
Significance. The vulnerable and the poorest have been voiced by the women ward
Commissioners. The women commissioners have brought out the various issues of
Women’s oppression, injustice towards them, spelled out their real material needs
(Housing, security etc.) to the centre of the urban governance. They did not confine
themselves within the allocated sphere only, rather they tried to find out where they are structurally discriminated and how they can overcome those. Even if they were not able to overcome these through their political power, they used their political connections with the powerful people, who are somehow linked with them as kin. In a country like Bangladesh, where generally women are subordinated, where women hardly get access to the resources and sources of power, they strategically used kin relations (Father, Uncle, Partner etc.) to increase their funds and work possibilities.
All they wanted was to achieve people’s reliability on them, which in the long run
would allow them to sustain as political persons. Women find their attitude towards their duty and their style of work different than of men, which create reliance on them.
Obstacles to women’s political participation in Bangladesh
How can one explain women’s meager in participation in politics at all levels? The simple answer to this question may be provided by stating that women’s generally subordinate role in all spheres of modern public life explains their low participation in the country’s politics as well.
But an adequate explanation of this phenomenon necessitates the identification of the constraints more precisely. Some of the main obstacles to women’s political participation in local level government institution include the following:
(a) lack of political socialization
Women in Bangladesh live in a social system where socialization process embodying social norms and role expectation prescribe for women an inferior and subordinate position in society.
Political socialization has been defined as the ‘interaction between social system and an individual whereby both predisposition or and skills relating to participation in the political sphere is internalized. This view emphasizes role of socialization in forming women’s political attitudes and aptitudes. The assumption is that this political orientation arises within the context of already established sex role and these basic roles are principally instilled in childhood.
As a result, women develop an unfavorable attitude towards politics which embraces wider environment. This adversely affects the participation of women in political activity.
(b) women’s domestic responsibility
Domestic work and the responsibility of bearing and rearing of children keep women tied to home. These responsibilities not only keep women out of the labor force but also limit their interest and involvement in politics. They hardly have any time to discuss political affairs and freedom to gain politically relevant experience.
Studies carried out on electoral behavior in the United States confirm the damping impact of having small children at home on women’s political participation. Other studies show the situational constraint on women’s political behavior.
All these factors work more intensely in a developing country like Bangladesh, where the average number of children per couple is much higher than that of the developed countries.
(c) Economic dependence
Economic dependence is a key factor that limits the political participation of women in Bangladesh.
Studies in the United States find that employment, particularly outside home, is associated with dramatic increase in women political participation.
In Bangladesh, women’s inferior economic status evidenced from their very low labour forcee participation rate as compared to men (only 4.7 percent as against 74 percent for men according to 1981 census), their unequal access to economic opportunities offered by state and society coupled with their unequal access to existing educational and skill training opportunities keep women economically dependent on men. This dependence is also an important factor that limits her freedom to participate seriously in politics. All the socio-economic disabilities of Bangladeshi women reflected in her low participation in the political activities of the country.
Recommendation
With a view to increasing women’s political participation, the following policy prescriptions are recommended.
(a)To create greater awareness among women about their low status in the society and need to improve it, motivational programmed along with programmed for expending opportunities for education, health care and employment should be lunched.
(b)Specific programme to impact political education to women should be designed and lunched in order to create awareness among them that political participation would give them an access to the political decision making relating to the allocation to the resources.
c) Mass media should be used to educate and mobilize public opinion in such a way that the realization about the benefits of women’s full participation in the national development efforts is created among people.
d) Programmes should be undertaken by the government and nongovernmental organizations to conscientise and sensitive women at the grass roots levels about the need to participate in political activities in increasing number.
e) Women politician should form a strong group within their respective political parties and pressurize the party leadership to take step to increase the number of women memb
ers of one hand and create opportunities for the experienced ones to assume more important role in the party hierarchy on the other.
f) Political parties should be pressurized to keep women at least 25 percent of their party nomination of the general seats in the local level government institution.
g) Women politician should demand that women’s issues be incorporated in the programmes of the political parties.
h) Higher representation of women should be ensured in cabinet and they should be entrusted with portfolios other than the traditional one.
i) The provision of reservation of seats for women in the local level government institution should continue for a few more years and the system of direct election should be introduced.
Conclusion
In Bangladesh, women have low political statues as compared to men. The participation of women results from their low socio economic status stemming from social norms of a male dominated society confining women to the household. Their unequal status in society gives them unequal access to the educational, economical and other opportunities offered by the state and society. All these factors reinforce each other to keep women’s political participation low. But women’s adequate political participation is a precondition for their gaining control over the community’s resource. This is the route through which women can associate themselves with the political decision making at the national level and help shape public policies in such a way as may prove beneficial to the women of Bangladesh. It is, therefore, necessary to enlarge the scope of women representation in politics through government initiative for their greater involvement in politics and meaningful sharing of power which may accelerate their own development and help raise their status in society.
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